ERBIL, Kurdistan Region – A senior Druze cleric from Syria’s southern Suwayda province highlighted his community’s “harmonic” relationship with the Kurdish “brothers” in northeast Syria (Rojava), emphasizing their shared political vision for Syria’s future and alignment in demands and efforts.
“There is good communication between our people in the Kurdish regions and the people of Suwayda,” Yousef al-Jarbou, one of three Sheikh al-Aql (leaders of wisdom) of the Druze community in Syria, told Rudaw on Monday. “We see our relationship with the Kurds as one of harmony and shared political vision, particularly regarding Syria’s future. There is significant alignment in our demands and efforts,” he added.
In early March, Syria's interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa and Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) chief Mazloum Abdi signed a landmark agreement to “integrate all civil and military institutions” in Rojava under the administration of the Syrian state, “including border crossings, the [Qamishli International] Airport, and oil and gas fields.”
Jarbou said that the Druze were “very pleased with this agreement.” He described the accord as “a positive step to prevent bloodshed and avoid military confrontations” and “a good step toward the future” of Syria.
At the same time, the senior Druze cleric reiterated his community’s rejection of Syria’s interim constitution in its current draft.
In mid-March, Sharaa signed a 53-article constitutional declaration that centers on Islamic jurisprudence, mandates that the country’s president must be Muslim, and sets a five-year transitional period. It also maintains Syria’s official name as the Syrian "Arab" Republic.
The interim constitution also grants Sharaa exclusive executive power, the authority to appoint one-third of the legislature, and the ability to appoint judges to the constitutional court, which is the body that can hold him accountable.
Jarbou stated that the declaration “does not rise up to the aspirations of the Syrian people,” including the Druze community, and warned that it could steer Syria toward a “non-participatory state.” He added that under these conditions, the Druze cannot “participate” in the upcoming government.
Following the ouster of Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad in early December, both the Rojava administration and the Druze community have urged decentralization, despite the new Damascus leadership’s rejection of federalism.
Jarbou reiterated that decentralization is not equivalent to “secession,” emphasizing that Syria’s Druze would accept whatever system emerges from “a comprehensive consensus” among the Syrian people across all governorates.
Below is the full transcript of the interview.
Rudaw: How do you view the constitutional declaration? Do you believe it meets the aspirations of the Syrian people?
Youssef al-Jarbou: In reality, the Syrian constitutional declaration does not fulfill the aspirations of the Syrian people. There are strengths and weaknesses, but the weaknesses are fundamental. The declaration appears to lean toward a non-inclusive state, and there are concerns about extremist undertones in it. We hope this constitutional declaration can be amended - as it is, after all, a draft constitution - to address its shortcomings. I don’t know how the current government views the possibility of amending the constitution to align with the aspirations of the Syrian people. We want a constitution that embraces all components of Syrian society, ensuring freedom, dignity, and full independence for Syria as a sovereign state, free from any external domination, while safeguarding citizens' religious and social rights and guaranteeing general freedoms. We want a constitution that truly represents the diverse components of the Syrian society.
Did the interim constitution’s drafting committee include any representative from Suwayda?
I don’t think so. We were not consulted to nominate anyone for the constitutional drafting committee from the outset. I also don’t believe anyone from Suwayda province was represented in this committee.
Speaking of the provisions in the constitution, which ones do you disapprove of or believe need changing?
First and foremost, with regards to the provisions stating that the religion of the state is Islam and that the president must be Muslim, we don't object to these two points per se, but we oppose the reliance on Islamic jurisprudence as base for drafting the constitutional declaration as it opens the door to jurisprudential interpretation. I recently told one of the TV channels that this could lead us to the jurisprudence of Ibn Taymiyyah or Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab which are extremist schools of thought that reject the other. This could plunge us into sectarian or religious conflicts over jurisprudential interpretations. We believe a civil constitution that guarantees the freedom of all Syrian citizens, regardless of their background, is the true safeguard for the rights of the Syrian people.
This constitution will be in effect for the next five years marking the transitional period in Syria. If its provisions remain unchanged, will you participate in the new government?
I don’t think we can participate under these conditions. Another notable issue is the absence of a provision specifying the president’s nationality. Previously, one of the requirements was that the president must be a Syrian Arab for at least five years. Now, this provision is missing from the constitutional declaration. Additionally, we noticed the abolition of the prime minister’s position and the expansion of powers for the president and the presidential or national council, which is structured around six or seven leading figures headed by Mr. al-Sharaa. This centralizes decision-making within a single faction and a single group. Decisions concerning Syria’s future as an inclusive state for all Syrians are now monopolized by one group, which we see as problematic. Decision-making should be participatory.
There’s also the issue of the separation of powers, there’s no clear accountability. For example, if a minister is appointed, can they only be held accountable by the president or by the legislature as well? We don’t see the benefit of granting ministers or government officials broad powers without oversight.
Another controversial point is the composition of the legislature, where one-third of its members are appointed by the president, and the other two-thirds are nominated. This deprives citizens of the right to choose their representatives. In most countries, the People’s Council or parliament represents the citizens, voices their concerns, monitors the government’s work, and ensures the implementation of service programs. Allowing the president to appoint one-third of the council opens the door to blocking any decision that doesn’t align with this faction’s interests, which is also another flaw in the constitution.
Speaking of the demands of Suwayda’s residents and the Druze spiritual leaders, how do they envision the state’s policy - centralized or decentralized?
In fact, our demands align with those of the Syrian people as a whole, serving the next phase and all Syrians. In Suwayda, we have no ambitions or orientations that differ from those of the Syrian people. The upcoming political mechanism, whether decentralized or federal, must have broad approval across all Syrian provinces. If there is consensus on whether the next phase should involve centralized governance, decentralization, federalism, or self-administration, Suwayda cannot unilaterally adopt a separate political model.
When we talk about decentralization, we mean for all of Syria, not just a specific region. There have been many statements from Suwayda calling for decentralization, similar to those coming from northeast Syria (Rojava) aiming to guarantee the rights of all components. This does not mean secession. What is your view?
Decentralization is not secession; it is a form of governance. We do not oppose decentralization at this stage, but we demand that this direction be based on a general consensus among the Syrian people. If there is agreement on decentralization, we support it, and if there is agreement on federalism, we support that as well. This is my personal opinion, and I believe many in Suwayda share it.
Regarding the military council in Suwayda, why hasn't it surrendered its arms yet? What are the reasons?
In the past period, we suffered from terrorist attacks from several factions and endured losses in lives and equipment. We have concerns about the next phase, as full stability has not yet been achieved, where the state can fully impose its control over all Syrian territories, including Suwayda, and ensure security. At that point, there will be no need to bear arms. Currently, our weapons are not directed at the state or any party but are for self-defense, protecting our land, honor, and lives. The next phase requires organizing the status of armed factions and cooperating with the state, paving the way for weapon regulation. We may reach a stage where we no longer need these weapons, and control returns to the state.
What is your response to the recent Israeli positions? How do you interpret them?
Recently, there has been much talk about Israel being a guarantor of security for Suwayda and the Druze, but in my perception this is being exploited politically by the Israeli government to send a message to the surroundings that the Druze seek secession, which is untrue. We have not requested protection from Israel, not in the past and not in the future. Our true protector is God, and we are accustomed to defending ourselves with our own means, without relying on external forces. International and regional interventions in Syria’s internal politics have imposed realities on the ground, but we strive to rely on ourselves with all we have. What comes from abroad as part of international agendas is beyond our control.
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa’s statements spoke of a participatory Syria that embraces all sects. Were you asked to participate in the government or the drafting of the constitution?
The rhetoric of the Syrian government, led by Mr. al-Sharaa, has been positive and reassuring, especially to the people of Suwayda, conveying that the state is cooperative and will do everything necessary to rebuild Syria into a civilized and advanced nation. Personally, I have not been contacted regarding participation in the government or the constitution. I don’t know if there have been communications with other sheikhs or officials, but to my knowledge - perhaps through indirect channels, especially with some young political figures who were part of the opposition - there may have been some coordination. However, this is just a possibility, and I have no confirmed information. We hope to have a role in the new government.
How would you describe your relationship with the Kurds in Rojava? Is there any communication between you?
Yes, there is good communication between our people in the Kurdish regions and the people of Suwayda. During the 2018 kidnapping crisis following the Islamic State (ISIS) attack, the Kurds offered significant assistance in securing the release of the abducted women. Our Kurdish brothers proposed exchanging high-ranking ISIS leaders held by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) for the kidnapped women. We see our relationship with the Kurds as one of harmony and shared political vision, particularly regarding Syria’s future. There is significant alignment in our demands and efforts.
What is your opinion on the agreement between SDF Chief Mazloum Abdi and Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa?
We were very pleased with this agreement, even though we were not privy to all its details. In principle, it was a positive step to prevent bloodshed and avoid military confrontations. The agreement paved the way for reuniting the Syrian society and removed the specter of war from the region and our Kurdish brothers. I believe the concerned parties are best positioned to evaluate its outcomes, but from my perspective, it was a good step toward the future.
What are your key demands from the Syrian government?
Today, we suffer from the absence of state authority in Suwayda, leading to chaos and a governance vacuum. Some institutions are barely functional, while others, like the judiciary and civil registry, are completely inactive. Births have gone unregistered for three months, marriages are not being documented, and there are obstacles in issuing passports and ID cards. The main reason is the absence of the state. We have demanded and continue to demand, the return of state authority. There were initial understandings and general agreements at first, but some disputes arose. We hope these will soon be resolved so the state can reassert its control over Suwayda.
These are service-related demands. What about political demands?
We want representation in the legislative body, a say in drafting the constitution, and meaningful participation in the upcoming government, one that reflects our component’s rightful place in Syria’s political landscape.